'Nuanced, melancholy, sophisticated and gratifyingly intimate.'–Yanis Varoufakis, author of TechnofeudalismUkrainian politics, the Russian invasion and the escalating crisis of the post-Soviet worldTowards the Abyss presents searching analysis of a decade of war and upheaval in Ukraine. Volodymyr Ishchenko has been among the left's most significant commentators on Ukraine since 2014, when pro-EU protestors toppled the government in Kiev, Russia annexed Crimea and pro-Russian separatists seized parts of the Donbass. One of his first thoughts when he read the news of the full-scale Russian invasion on 24 February 2022 was that no matter how the war ends, he will no longer have a homeland.What has happened in Ukraine ever since the Soviet collapse is a drawn-out process of de-modernization, and the downward spiral is getting faster. Ishchenko argues that the conflict being fought in Ukraine with tanks, artillery and rockets is the same conflict suppressed by police batons in Belarus and in Russia itself. The intensification of the post-Soviet crisis – the incapacity of an oligarchic ruling class in the territories of the former USSR to sustain political or moral leadership – is the root cause of the escalating violence.

A century of complex relations between Communists and workers in China In 2021, the Chinese Communist Party celebrated a century of existence. Since the Party’s humble beginnings in the Marxist groups of the Republican era to its current global ambitions, one thing has not changed for China’s leaders: their claim to represent the vanguard of the Chinese working class. Spanning from the night classes for workers organised by student activists in Beijing in the 1910s to the labour struggles during the 1920s and 1930s; from the turmoil of the Cultural Revolution to the social convulsions of the reform era to China’s global push today, this book reconstructs the contentious history of labour in China from the early twentieth century to this day (and beyond). This will be achieved through a series of essays penned by scholars in the field of Chinese society, politics, and culture, each one of which will revolve around a specific historical event, in a mosaic of different voices, perspectives, and interpretations of what constituted the experience of being a worker in China in the past century. Contributors: Corey Byrnes, Craig A. Smith, Xu Guoqi, Zhou Ruixue, Lin Chun, Elizabeth J. Perry, Tony Saich, Wang Kan, Gail Hershatter, Apo Leong, S.A. Smith, Alexander F. Day, Yige Dong, Seung-Joon Lee, Lu Yan, Joshua Howard, Bo Ærenlund Sørensen, Brian DeMare, Emily Honig, Po-chien Chen, Yi-hung Liu, Jake Werner, Malcolm Thompson, Robert Cliver, Mark W. Frazier, John Williams, Christian Sorace, Zhu Ruiyi, Ivan Franceschini, Chen Feng, Ben Kindler, Jane Hayward, Tim Wright, Koji Hirata, Jacob Eyferth, Aminda Smith, Fabio Lanza, Ralph Litzinger, J onathan Unger, Covell F. Meyskens, Maggie Clinton, Patricia M. Thornton, Ray Yep, Andrea Piazzaroli Longobardi, Joel Andreas, Matt Galway, Michel Bonnin, A.C. Baecker, Mary Ann O’Donnell, Tiantian Zheng, Jeanne L. Wilson, Ming-sho Ho, Yueran Zhang, Anita Chan, Sarah Biddulph, Jude Howell, William Hurst, Dorothy J. Solinger, Ching Kwan Lee, Chloé Froissart, Mary Gallagher, Eric Florence, Junxi Qian, Chris King-chi Chan, Elaine Sio-Ieng Hui, Jenny Chan, Eli Friedman, Aaron Halegua, Wanning Sun, Marc Blecher, Huang Yu, Manfred Elfstrom, Darren Byler, Carlos Rojas, Chen Qiufan.

According to leading economist Ann Pettifor, one of the few people to predict the 2008 financial crisis, money is not a commodity but a promise. This radical reconsideration of the power of money means that we can reimagine the way the economy works. The Production of Money also examines popular alternative debates on, and innovations in, money, such as "green QE" and "helicopter money." She sets out the possibility of linking the money in our pockets (or on our smartphones) to the improvements we want to see in the world around us.

目录目录................I译者序...................iv第二版序言...........................v导论.................101 相对主义札记..................11. 实用相对主义(机会主义).......................12 政治影响...............123 希罗多德与普罗泰戈拉....................144 普罗泰戈拉学说中的真理与现实............185 民主相对主义...........................226 真理与实在:历史视角下的探讨............267 认知相对主义.............328 若干批评意见的检视...........349 回归生活...........3802 理性、色诺芬尼与荷马诸神..........4303 知识与理论的作用.......................521 存在............522 知识..........................533 知识形态..................564 哲学与“理性主义的兴起”......................585 论理论的解释...................6104 创造力.............651 作为模仿的艺术与科学.....................652 作为创造性事业的艺术与科学...............663 爱因斯坦创造力理论之辩.............674 个体创造力理念背后的人性观........................715 回归整体...................7205 哲学、科学与艺术的演进之道...........741 双重进路:论发展的两种范式...........................742 两种进步观的根本分野..............763 艺术领域的演进轨迹...................774 哲学省思.................805 科学实践的实然图景......................80对本文讨论的回应说明.....................8206 知识之琐屑化:对波普尔哲学涉猎的评述................851. 批判理性主义......................852 证伪与实在论....................893 量子理论.......................954 历史性结论.................9907 马赫的科学研究方法论及其与爱因斯坦的关系.............104导论..................1041 马赫论研究中的原理运用...........1042 爱因斯坦对原理的运用.....................1053 对马赫若干批评的驳斥...........................1064 马赫论归纳法、感觉与科学进步..............1085 爱因斯坦的非理性实证主义与马赫的辩证理性主义.......................1116 原子论与相对论......................1167 值得汲取的学术启示..................1191988年后记补注............11908 关于亚里士多德数学理论与连续统学说的若干考察.......................12009 伽利略与真理的暴政.............138附录...............14710 普特南论不可通约性....................14811 文化多元还是美丽新单调?..........15312 告别理性........................1571 概览...........................1572 科学的结构............1573 案例研究.............1604 科学乃众多传统之一...........1675 理性与实践..................1716 自由社会的六大要素.................1737 善与恶...........................1748 告別理性..........................177

According to leading economist Ann Pettifor, one of the few people to predict the 2008 financial crisis, money is not a commodity but a promise. This radical reconsideration of the power of money means that we can reimagine the way the economy works. The Production of Money also examines popular alternative debates on, and innovations in, money, such as "green QE" and "helicopter money." She sets out the possibility of linking the money in our pockets (or on our smartphones) to the improvements we want to see in the world around us.

The experience of the Yugoslav war and the rise of “irrational” violence in contemporary societies provides the theoretical and political context of this book, which uses Lacanian psychoanalysis as the basis for a renewal of the Marxist theory of ideology. The author’s analysis leads into a study of the figure of woman in modern art and ideology, including studies of The Crying Game and the films of David Lynch, and the links between violence and power/gender relations.

Chen Erjin ; Translated By Robin Munro. Includes Bibliographical References.

在一篇颠覆传统且极具争议的研究中,诺曼·芬克尔斯坦从审视大屠杀在美国文化中占据的特殊地位出发,进而对近期的大屠杀赔偿协议展开令人不安的剖析。直到1967年阿以战争期间,以色列显赫的实力使其与美国外交政策保持一致,大屠杀的记忆才开始获得今日享有的非凡地位。美国犹太社区领袖欣喜于以色列被视为重要战略资产,并据芬克尔斯坦所言,他们利用大屠杀来巩固这一新地位。此后他们对这场悲剧的诠释常与实际历史事件相悖,并被用来抵御对以色列及其支持者的任何批评。芬克尔斯坦援引耶日·科辛斯基、本雅明·维尔科米尔斯基等大屠杀欺诈者,以及丹尼尔·戈德哈根等作家的煽动性论述,指出纳粹受害者记忆面临的主要威胁并非来自否认大屠杀者的歪曲,而是来自那些自诩为大屠杀记忆守护者的显赫人士。他援引大量未被发掘的资料,揭露了欧洲各国及合法犹太索赔人遭受的双重敲诈,并断言大屠杀产业已沦为赤裸裸的勒索勾当。这部研究严谨、论证缜密的著作之所以令人不安且震撼,恰因其探讨的议题鲜少被公开讨论。在这部畅销书的震撼性新后记中,诺曼·芬克尔斯坦揭露了大屠杀产业掩盖瑞士银行敲诈丑闻的丑闻,并在新增附录中彻底驳斥了为大屠杀产业辩护的权威论述。

唯物主义思想的伟大著作,从卢克莱修的《自然之论》到《资本论》,再到拉康的著作,其特征是它们的未完成性:它们一次又一次地解决自己选择的问题。谢林的韦尔塔尔特草稿属于同一系列,他们反复尝试制定世界的开始,从实在的前符号脉动到逻各斯的宇宙的过渡。长期生活在康德和黑格尔阴影下的德国观念论的谢林(F.W.J. Schelling)是第一个提出有限性、偶然性和时间性等后观念论主题的人。他独特的作品宣告了马克思对思辨唯心主义的批判,以及弗洛伊德的驱力概念,即一种盲目的强迫重复,这种重复永远不会在语言的观念媒介中被扬弃。《除不尽的剩余》一书首先详细考察了谢林的两部作品,这两部作品中,他的大胆推测达到了顶峰:他的《人类自由论》和他的《世界时代》草稿。在重构了他们的论证路线后,斯拉沃伊·齐泽克将谢林与黑格尔对立起来,并以谢林式的观点来总结一些相关问题:日常生活计算机化对性经验的影响;犬儒主义是当今主流的意识形态;量子物理学的认识论死锁。虽然这本书充满了政治和流行文化的例子,从《生死时速》和《土拨鼠之日》到《阿甘正传》,都是齐泽克风格的鲜明标志,但它标志着一个重大转变,即以现代主体性之谜为中心,系统地关注哲学的基本问题和我们后期资本主义宇宙危机的根源。(豆瓣简介机翻)

"Where Kant thinks he is still dealing only with a negative presentation of the Thing, we are already in the midst of the Thing-in-itself- for this Thing-in-itself is nothing but this radical negativity...the negative experience of the Thing must change into the experience of the Thing-in-itself as radical negativity...In short, we must limit ourselves to what is strictly immanent to this experience, to pure negativity, to the negative self-relationship of the representation." Unlike Monsieur Rolland-Piegue, I have always read Slavoj Zizek the way that I feel he should be read- as a philosopher. In truth, I find it difficult to understand how one could approach Zizek from any other perspective, neglecting his argumentation in lieu of his jokes, anecdotes and dialectical inversions, seeing as how the jokes are themselves incomprehensible without reference to the propositions that they demonstrate. While several of Rolland-Piegue's criticisms of Zizek are, in a way, justified- Zizek's somewhat haphazard style of presentation, which can be as elliptical as it is breathless; the abundance of provocative declaratives; the abstract nature of his thought, which invokes and enlists empirical examples to elaborate upon the dialectical logic of his system- accusations of sloppiness are, in my view at least, wholly unfounded. Astonishingly, Rolland-Piegue has written an entirely unphilosophical account of Zizek, one which, while disparaging Zizek's philosophical flimsiness, does not offer one philosophical argument in the way of refutation. Should this be read as being symptomatic of our own collective incapacity to READ philosophy as philosophy, of the waning of its 'symbolic efficacy' in a post-deconstructive world? Is Zizek thereby confined to being a living anachronism, condemned to transmitting his thought under the cover of smutty asides? One is free to repudiate Zizek's system in its entirety, as long as one does not deny that it \*is\* a fully-elaborated system, and should be approached as such. It has been noted by various readers on Amazon that Zizek is a tiresomely repetitious writer, an insight that I would supplement with a remark that should be intuitively obvious: the sameness of his texts inheres not so much in the CONTENT of the enunciated- endlessly-rehearsed variations of the same jokes- but in the position of enunciation from which the argumentation proceeds, the logical form of his analysis. In this regard, Rolland-Piegue is entirely right to underwrite Lenin's proposition on Hegel and Marx by applying it to Zizek himself, though I cannot help but suspect that Rolland-Piegue misses the crucial point- Zizek 'performs', repeats his fidelity to Hegelian dialectics by adhering to its formal procedures, in the same way that Marx did throughout Das Kapital (needless to say, it is strictly impossible to develop a sophisticated understanding of the three volumes of Das Kapital unless one is able to reconstruct the dialectical links that constitute its fabric, the movement that informs its methodology and impels it onwards). The anomalous, unwieldy nature of Zizek's texts lies not so much in his unorthodox sense of humor,but in the fact that, beneath the bawdy banter, he is an embarassingly ORTHODOX philosopher in the classical sense. To read him properly, then, is to arouse faculties that have lain dormant for far too long, languishing in the wake of post-structuralist poetizing. This is precisely what is meant by the 'RETURN to full-blown philosophy' that he discerns in the writings of his partner-in-crime and constant interlocutor, Alain Badiou. To return to Zizek's repetitiousness, however. While Verso proposes that each volume of the Essential Zizek are essentially different from the next, treating different dimensions of Zizek's 'theoretical edifice', I'm not entirely sure if it is possible to draw firm distinctions between the matter treated in each. In a way, it seems to me that all of Zizek's writings constitute a larger text, fragments of which he feels obliged to paste in each individual publication, supplying the reader with the primary coordinates of his intellectual itinerary. It is this aspect of Zizek's style of presentation that renders each text a whole unto itself- at the risk of belaboring the point and tiring his longtime devotees, Zizek is exceptionally conscientious in making sure that careful, first-time readers will be able to deduce the axiomatic claims that give consistency to each book. All of the foundational postulates of Zizek's ontology are supplied in his major theoretical works ('The Parallax View', 'The Ticklish Subject', 'The Sublime Object of Ideology'), though it is certainly true that he elaborates on it in greater detail in this particular book. For instance, one can already find Zizek's reading of Kant (one that he feels is entirely in keeping with Hegel's appropriation of Kant) in "The Sublime Object of Ideology", and his discussion in said book informs/lays the ground for much of what is (re)iterated here, supplemented by a sustained reading of Heidegger's "Kant and the Problem of Metaphysics". We also find a fully developed exposition of what is arguably "The Ticklish Subject"s central thesis: the subject is the name for a radical negativity/subtraction, a 'cut' in the fabric of being, a lack bereft of any positive predicates. Of course, it is here that Zizek juxtaposes this conception of the subject with Badiou's, which confuses the process of SUBJECTIVATION and SUBLIMATION with the SUBJECT as such. For me, though, the real highlight of the book is the middle section, where Zizek outlines the dangers inherent in the political philosophies of Badiou, Ranciere and Balibar. Besides his ontological quibbles with Badiou (put forth most forcefully in his identification of Badiou's disavowed Kantianism), the great innovation of Zizek's rather Leninist analysis is twofold: his re-evaluation of Laclau's conception of hegemony, which he distanced himself from following The Sublime Object of Ideology, as well as his suggestion that the political strategies of said triad could very well lead to a "revolution without a revolution". In 'The Sublime Object of Ideology', Zizek provided a recapitulation of the key concepts in Laclau and Mouffe's landmark book: the place of the Universal is empty, a locus of hegemonic struggle. The victor of the struggle occupies this place, constituting the 'quilting point' that unifies and 'sutures' an ideological field, generating a retroactive effect whereby a multitude of atomic 'floating signifiers' refer to it as their ultimate (teleological) frame of reference. Every victory being contingent, the signifier occupying this place is itself precarious, subject to continued contestation. Here, Zizek elaborates further on the precise nature of hegemonic consent, involving as it does the production of 'typical' representations. Hegemonic/discursive struggle hence necessarily involves, beyond the articulation of 'floating signifiers' into a lateral chain of equivalences, the deposition of dominant Universals and 'typicalities'. Again, however, Zizek is careful to emphasize the insuperable gap that persists between him and Laclau and Mouffe (remember that Laclau and Mouffe deplored Althusser for his unwillingness to renounce the last vestige of 'economic essentialism' in his thought, his insistence on the 'economic in the last instance')- every hegemonic articulation is doomed to be captured by its 'bad side' (populism, racism, nationalism) insofar as it neglects to place primacy upon the economic. In fact, this is the first text in which Zizek baldly proposes to 'politicize the economy' once more, to reinvigorate the classical Marxist analysis of political economy. This, as we know, dovetails into Zizek's readings of Ranciere and Badiou (see "In Defense of Lost Causes"), where we find a similar aversion to the State and its 'ontic', economic functions ("the servicing of goods"). It would be useful here to refer to Zizek's review of Simon Critchley's "Infinitely Demanding" in the London Review of Books, which succinctly encapsulates Zizek's position regarding the seizure of State power. Critchley, in his advocacy of a Derridean brand of anarchism, proposes the formation of syndicalized communes, interstitial spaces of resistance (heterotopias in the Foucauldian sense?) that operate at a distance from the state. In keeping with his tacit acceptance of the persistence of the liberal democratic state, Critchley's conception of critique thus involves deluging the State with implacable demands that `call the state into question and call the established order to account, not in order to do away with the state, desirable though that might well be in some utopian sense, but in order to better it or attenuate its malicious effect'. Zizek's pithy response to this is that it is entirely in keeping with the division of labor that capitalism enforces- the dirty work of realpolitik is thereby left to neo-liberal technocrats and experts, while the task of recrimination and moralizing is left to the ineffectual intelligentsia. In avoiding the subject of the State altogether, Zizek wagers that the 'sequentialist'/'marginalist' thought of Badiou, Balibar and Ranciere announces its complicity with this sense of surrender. When we recall Baudrillard's chilling assertion that "the Left wants to lose" and couple it with Zizek's descriptions of the Beautiful Soul, we can better appreciate Zizek's unflinching fidelity to the revolutionary legacy of Marxist-Leninism, a fidelity that is as sobering as it is disquieting. I am tempted to suggest that Zizek has elaborated an 'existentialism with the unconscious', an exhortation for us to assume the abyssal contingency of the decision. At any rate, he is waiting for us on the other end of the gulf, waiting for us to make the leap by reading him seriously. <

According to leading economist Ann Pettifor, one of the few people to predict the 2008 financial crisis, money is not a commodity but a promise. This radical reconsideration of the power of money means that we can reimagine the way the economy works. The Production of Money also examines popular alternative debates on, and innovations in, money, such as "green QE" and "helicopter money." She sets out the possibility of linking the money in our pockets (or on our smartphones) to the improvements we want to see in the world around us.

齐泽克继其畅销书《欢迎来到实在界这个沙漠》(Welcome to the Desert of the Real)之后,在这本对当前全球危机的大胆分析中,齐泽克认为,弗朗西斯·福山在上世纪90年代宣布的历史终结的自由主义观点,已经死了两次。在9/11早晨自由民主政治乌托邦崩溃之后,2008年底全球市场资本主义的经济乌托邦也崩溃了。马克思认为,历史会重演——第一次以悲剧的形式出现,第二次以闹剧的形式出现——而齐泽克追随赫伯特·马尔库塞(Herbert Marcuse),在这里指出,闹剧的重演可能比最初的悲剧更可怕。金融危机表明,全球化的幻想已经结束,随着数百万人失业,人们已经无法忽视全球资本主义的非理性。就在危机发生的几个月前,世界的首要任务似乎是全球变暖、艾滋病以及获得药品、食品和水——这些任务被贴上了紧急的标签,但任何实际行动都被一再推迟。如今,在金融危机爆发后,采取行动的迫切需要似乎已经变成了无条件的——其结果是,人们立即找到了大量做梦也想不到的现金,然后把它们注入金融部门,而不顾以往的优先事项。齐泽克问道,我们是否需要进一步的证据来证明,《资本论》是我们生活的真实:真实的要求甚至比我们自然和社会世界中最紧迫的问题更绝对?(豆瓣简介机翻)

According to leading economist Ann Pettifor, one of the few people to predict the 2008 financial crisis, money is not a commodity but a promise. This radical reconsideration of the power of money means that we can reimagine the way the economy works. The Production of Money also examines popular alternative debates on, and innovations in, money, such as "green QE" and "helicopter money." She sets out the possibility of linking the money in our pockets (or on our smartphones) to the improvements we want to see in the world around us.

According to leading economist Ann Pettifor, one of the few people to predict the 2008 financial crisis, money is not a commodity but a promise. This radical reconsideration of the power of money means that we can reimagine the way the economy works. The Production of Money also examines popular alternative debates on, and innovations in, money, such as "green QE" and "helicopter money." She sets out the possibility of linking the money in our pockets (or on our smartphones) to the improvements we want to see in the world around us.

According to leading economist Ann Pettifor, one of the few people to predict the 2008 financial crisis, money is not a commodity but a promise. This radical reconsideration of the power of money means that we can reimagine the way the economy works. The Production of Money also examines popular alternative debates on, and innovations in, money, such as "green QE" and "helicopter money." She sets out the possibility of linking the money in our pockets (or on our smartphones) to the improvements we want to see in the world around us.

Examining the discursive status of women in both cultural and political domains, Zizek presents a disturbing and radical examination of the structural role of violence in late capitalism.

Finance serves the rich and powerful. We need to democratize it.Why is democracy so broken and how might it be fixed? In The Master's Tools, award-winning author Michael A. McCarthy argues the answer can be found in the flows of credit and investment bound up with finance capital. Today, finance guides and constrains our politics, but there is no reason why this must be so. In this groundbreaking work, McCarthy develops a political and social theory of institutional transformation rooted in the interconnectedness of finance and democracy.Inspired by ancient Athens, where small groups chosen by lottery were used to ensure democratic participation, he shows how democracy and working-class power can be strengthened by introducing new forms of financial governance, focusing on the inclusion of historically excluded groups.His proposals for democratic financial institutions point the way to imbuing finance with a socio-environmental purpose and the funding of a just green transition, social housing, and other necessary public goods. And these financial institutions might be the first step toward a whole new kind of economy.

An intense literary memoir of love and grief “Our marriage was, from any conventional point of view, wildly implausible; and you, my dear son, are the miraculous product of this beautiful, rather crazy, and all too brief love affair.” When Dylan Riley received the devastating news that his wife, Emanuela, had cancer, he turned to writing to express the anguish and disarray brought by her worsening symptoms and then her passing. Perdita , composed for their teenage son, Eamon, is the result of this attempt to represent loss. It is at once a portrait of youth, a lyrical memoir of a marriage, and a raw and moving account of bereavement. Riley describes cancer, Perdita ’s central antagonist, as a pitiless opponent, draining hope of its power and reducing it to self-delusion. Its course forces a progressive foreshortening of time. Next year might be terrible, but there can be a few good months now; tomorrow will likely be bad, but let’s focus on today. In this memoir, the disease provokes a broader set of reflections on the openness, contingency, and pain of the human condition, a status defined by the context of mortality, both our own and that of those we love.

When you put on a mask, you leave your own time, writes Nadya Tolokonnikova from Pussy Riot, while Gabriella Coleman explores the political culture of Anonymous in the hacking of HBGary. Politicians, narcos, fixers, and their all-too-hidden victims: Rohini Mohan, scar Martnez, Anabel Hernndez, and Ken Silverstein report back from the front lines in Sri Lanka, Central America and Mexico, and the global oil industry. Arundhati Roy and David Roediger rethink the relationship between race, caste and political struggle. Keller Easterling, Jonathan Crary and Melissa Gira Grant all explore the dystopian intersection of technology and capitalism, while Lynne Segal and Frdric Gros reflect on age, virility, and cultural power. James Meek writes on UK privatization, Micah Uetricht on Chicagos teacher-led uprising, and Dan Hancox on Marinaledas village utopia. Alexander Cockburn and Shlomo Sand question citizenship and statehood. Slavoj iek dissects In-A-Gadda-Da-Vida (drunk for In the Garden of Eden), Walter Benjamin asks for a pay raise, and Benjamin Kunkel (and Verso) recommend a few books to read.

A trenchant analysis of the thought of Sebastiano Timpanaro, one of the most original leftist thinkers of the 20th century Sebastiano Timpanaro (1923-2000) was one of the most original leftist thinkers of the 20th century. His thought spans a unique range of subjects, from materialism to classical philology, from the Enlightenment to Freud, from science to socialism, from the history of linguistics to 19th century Italian literature. Timpanaro confronted this manifold material with addictive clarity and incisive honesty. This book is the first serious attempt in any language to introduce Timpanaro’s thought in its entirety. Drawing on original archival research, Geue shows the astonishing breadth of Timpanaro’s intellect and his eccentric dual profile as a Marxist and technical philologist. From this emerges not only a compelling portrait of a neglected radical thinker, but also a rallying call for the Left to revive its commitment to scientific truth and rigorous detail. Reviews Sebastiano Timpanaro was one of the purest and most original minds of the second half of the twentieth century Perry Anderson Tom Geue's book is by a long stretch the best discussion of Sebastiano Timpanaro's position in the Italian and European intellectual life of the second half of the twentieth century. Through a fresh reconsideration of Timpanaro's work and an unprecedented engagement with his archive it puts forward a fundamentally original and utterly compelling account of an exceptional scholarly and political trajectory. Geue explores pressing questions on the interplay between intellectual work and political activism, and sets a new standard to future projects on the history of classical scholarship. Timpanaro is carefully and sympathetically discussed on his own terms and in his own context, and the relevance of his work to global debates in the early twenty-first century is deftly articulated. A luminous, enlightening, and energising read. Federico Santangelo, author of Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic This book comes out from the felicitous encounter between two remarkable classicists. Tom Geue is a masterful interpreter and, at the same time, a fascinating biographer of Sebastiano Timpanaro, a unique thinker who merged Marx, Leopardi and Trotsky, defended historical materialism against structuralism, Hegelianism, and psychoanalysis, and combined classical philology with socialist utopia. Grounded on careful inquiry, this intellectual portrait inscribes Timpanaro in his historical time, striking the necessary balance between political empathy and critical distance. Enzo Traverso, author of Revolution: An Intellectual History A fully-fledged, challenging portrait of a great 20th century intellectual. Carlo Ginzburg With a philologist’s eye, and with scrutiny and empathy, Geue asks what the demands of the world can mean for the work of the mind, and for the commitments of an individual scholar. If philology is the discipline of attending to small detail, this book asks what big things it can also teach. Geue’s book shows how philology's honesty can continue to disrupt and surprise. Constanze Guthenke, author of Feeling and Classical Philology In Major Corrections, Tom Geue writes of “a vibrant intellectual culture on which it is hard not to look back longingly.” But Geue’s book is itself a cure and corrective for this nostalgia. A work of vibrant intelligence, bracing clarity, and real political acuity, Major Corrections at once retrieves Timpanaro and reinvents him for our times. There has never been a “library mouse” worthier of our attention. Ramsey McGlazer, author of Old Schools: Modernism, Education, and the Critique of Progress Sebastiano Timpanaro, one of the foremost philologists, philosophers, and theorists of revolution, combined passions for truth and for justice in a way that is not untypical of the Italian Left but which is hardly known in most other countries. Tom Geue's passionate and precise reconstruction of his thought and life is the first well-rounded account of this extraordinary figure. It will break new ground in the understanding of Timpanaro himself and of the sources and context which nurtured his work - and it will serve as a monitory encouragement to thinkers everywhere who are dedicated to the struggle for truth and for justice. Glenn W. Most, editor of Sebastiano Timpanaro, The Genesis of Lachmann's Method

Western governments and elites have supported the destruction of Gaza, silencing the Palestinians and those who speak on their behalf.Providing a record of the first six months of the war waged by the Israeli army after the 7 October attacks and drawing on a rich range of international sources, Didier Fassin examines how most Western governments have acquiesced in and often contributed to the destruction, by the Israeli army, of Gaza, its homes, infrastructures, hospitals, institutions of education, and civilian population. To justify their support and prevent criticism, they have provided an official version of the events, adopting the Israeli narrative. It was largely taken up by mainstream media, which ignored the experiences and perspectives of Palestinians. Dissenting voices were silenced. A policing of language and thought was imposed. Censorship and self-censorship became normalized. To call for a ceasefire or to demand the respect of humanitarian law was enough to prompt the ever-ready accusation of antisemitism. Exploring the multiple dimensions of the extreme inequality of lives between the two sides of the conflict and analyzing the complex geopolitical, economic and ideological stakes that underlie it, Fassin intends to constitute an archive of this moral abdication. In his view, the abandonment of the values and principles proclaimed by Western elites to be foundational will leave a deep scar in the history of the world.

How a supposedly apolitical form of philosophy owes its continuing power to social and political forcesAnalytic philosophy is the leading form of philosophy in the English-speaking world. What explains its continued success? Christoph Schuringa argues that its enduring power can only be understood by examining its social history. Analytic philosophy tends to think of itself as concerned with eternal questions, transcending the changing scenes of history. It thinks of itself as apolitical. This book, however, convincingly shows that the opposite is true.The origins of analytic philosophy are in a set of distinct movements, shaped by high-ly specific sets of political and social forces. Only after the Second World War were these disparate, often dynamic movements joined together to make ‘analytic philosophy’ as we know it. In the climate of McCarthyism, analytic philosophy was robbed of political force.To this day, analytic philosophy is the ideology...

A groundbreaking history of oil and it's importance to US politics, finance, militarism and consumerism from an award-winning author and scholar This expansive history traces the hidden connections between oil and capitalism from the late 1800s to the current climate crisis. Beyond simplistic narratives that frame oil as 'prize' or 'curse', Crude Capitalism uncovers the surprising ways that oil is woven into the fabric of our modern world: the rise of an American-centered global order; the breakdown of Empire and anti-colonial rebellion; contemporary finance and US dollar hegemony; debt and militarism; and the emergence of new forms of synthetic consumption. Much more than an energy source or transport fuel, oil has a foundational place in all aspects of contemporary life - no challenge to the fossil fuel industry can be effective without taking this fact seriously. Crude Capitalism maps the varied geographies of oil, including the rise of OPEC, the importance of revolutionary and Post-Soviet Russia, the crucial role of African upstream reserves, and the new petrochemical circuits that link the Middle East, China, and East Asia. The book provides an original and fine-grained empirical analysis of corporate ownership and control, including refining and petrochemicals. By exposing these structures of power and placing oil in capitalism, the book makes an essential contribution to debates around oil-dependency and the struggle for climate justice.

"Joseph Andras writes with the swiftness of lightning. "–Viet Thanh Nguyen, author of The SympathizerA biographical historical fiction retelling of Ho Chi Minh's immigration and radical life in underground Paris in the 1920sFleeing persecution in Indochina, the young Ho Chi Minh arrived in Paris as World War I was sputtering to a close. A painfully shy twentysomething who stammered when he spoke in public, he joined the shadowy figures of the demimonde, the radicals, poor artists, prostitutes, the luckless, and rebellious. Six years later, he boarded a train bound for the young Soviet Union as the fiery, passionate leader of the Vietnamese independence movement and a founder of the French Communist Party. He had lived under various pseudonyms in a succession of seedy apartments. There had been arrests and beatings, jobs in restaurants and photo shops, revolutionary writing in the Bibliotheque Nationale, and meetings with Chaplin and Colette, all while being dogged by French spies—much of what we know about the young man’s Paris years is thanks to that surveillance, down to accounts of arguments he had with friends at home. Searching for traces of the past in the streets of today, Joseph Andras hears echoes of other angry histories, from terror attacks to tent encampments to the protests of the Gilets jaunes. This intensely lyrical, genre-bending book is a meditation on what could be called the grandeur of the poor, the free, the outcast, and the rebellious—people who might not find a place in history books but without whom history could not be written.

A major investigation of the possibility of a new type of revolution in our epoch by the leader of the French radical left In summer 2024, France stood on the brink of a far-right takeover. But the disaster was avoided thanks to a New Popular Front of parties headed by long-standing left-wing leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon. It won the most seats in the snap parliamentary elections, running on a radical, progressive, inclusive agenda, in large part inspired by Mélenchon’s presidential programme. Now, the People! details his vision of revolution in our time. In this book, Mélenchon embarks on a survey of human history from its earliest moments to the crisis-ridden present. He outlines his vision for a new strategy for radical parties to reach the highest levels of government and peacefully transform the capitalist system: a citizens’ revolution. In this revolution, individuals come together to form a single, politically mobilised people. They assert their power over the collective conditions of urbanised life, against the oligarchy that still controls them.

An urgent, freely downloadable ebook that asks: should we start blowing up pipelines, occupying coal mines, and destroying property to address global climate change? Andreas Malms book How to Blow Up a Pipeline, with its call for the environmental movement to start sabotaging fossil fuel infrastructure to save our planet, has sparked a vibrant discussion on the left about the green state, direct action and violence, ecological Leninism, and existing pipeline struggles. It has also reignited longstanding fears of eco-sabotage on the right. Collected here are a set of essays that grapple with the idea of direct action and eco-sabotage, survey climate activism around the world, and argue for the necessity of building a fighting global movement against capitalism and its fossil fuel regime. Moving from Mozambique, the Niger Delta, and the coal mines of India to the forests of Ecuador and the watersheds of North America, Property Will Cost Us the Earth details the global scale of climate devastation as well as active struggles around the world to halt further extraction. From this come tactical and strategic questions: how can local direct actions relate to political work forcing states to end reliance on oil, coal, and gas? What kind of protest movement can we build that reflects the urgency of our moment? What does a direct actionbased movement require from those on the frontlines of struggle? On one thing these essayists are agreed: protecting private property at the expense of our planet and our childrens lives is not a cost we should be willing to pay. Contributors include: Alyssa Battistoni, James Butler, Joo Camargo, Jen Deerinwater, Ben Ehrenreich, Madeline ffitch, Frente Nacional Anti-Minero (Ecuador), Bue Rbner Hansen, Tara Houska, Jessie Kindig, Benjamin Kunkel, Anabela Lemos and Erika Mendes from Justia Ambiental! (Mozambique), Andreas Malm, MOTH Collective, Vanessa Nakate and Amy Goodman, Siihasin Hope, Brototi Roy, Andrea Semprtegui, Richard Seymour, and Adam Tooze.

The Extraordinary Life of a Revolutionary Journalist Radical journalist Claud Cockburn fought successfully against the political and media establishment, writing for publications as varied as The Times and Private Eye. To Graham Greene, he was the greatest journalist of the twentieth century. Born in China in 1904 and educated alongside Evelyn Waugh, Cockburn launched into a stellar career as a Times correspondent, first in Berlin, then New York, interviewing Al Capone in Chicago, and finally Washington. He resigned in 1932 to start The Week, an anti-Nazi and anti-establishment newsletter with an influence out of all proportion to its circulation. British officials were horrified by the scoops he published. These included stories on the political influence of German appeasers – the Cliveden Set – in the British elite and the previously suppressed news of Edward VIII’s abdication. Cockburn wrote dispatches while fighting in the Spanish Civil War. In Spain, he helped W. H. Auden and clashed with George Orwell. Claud’s private life, too, was eventful. He was married three times, once to Jean Ross, the model for Christopher Isherwood’s Sally Bowles. Patrick Cockburn, himself an international journalist, chronicles his father Claud’s lifelong dedication to a guerrilla campaign against the powerful on behalf of the powerless. It is a biography for today’s age, in which journalism is frequently suppressed, overshadowed, undervalued, and corrupted

The Extraordinary Life of a Revolutionary Journalist Radical journalist Claud Cockburn fought successfully against the political and media establishment, writing for publications as varied as The Times and Private Eye. To Graham Greene, he was the greatest journalist of the twentieth century. Born in China in 1904 and educated alongside Evelyn Waugh, Cockburn launched into a stellar career as a Times correspondent, first in Berlin, then New York, interviewing Al Capone in Chicago, and finally Washington. He resigned in 1932 to start The Week, an anti-Nazi and anti-establishment newsletter with an influence out of all proportion to its circulation. British officials were horrified by the scoops he published. These included stories on the political influence of German appeasers – the Cliveden Set – in the British elite and the previously suppressed news of Edward VIII’s abdication. Cockburn wrote dispatches while fighting in the Spanish Civil War. In Spain, he helped W. H. Auden and clashed with George Orwell. Claud’s private life, too, was eventful. He was married three times, once to Jean Ross, the model for Christopher Isherwood’s Sally Bowles. Patrick Cockburn, himself an international journalist, chronicles his father Claud’s lifelong dedication to a guerrilla campaign against the powerful on behalf of the powerless. It is a biography for today’s age, in which journalism is frequently suppressed, overshadowed, undervalued, and corrupted

Finance serves the rich and powerful. We need to democratize it. Why is democracy so broken and how might it be fixed? In The Master's Tools, award-winning author Michael A. McCarthy argues the answer can be found in the flows of credit and investment bound up with finance capital. Today, finance guides and constrains our politics, but there is no reason why this must be so. In this groundbreaking work, McCarthy develops a political and social theory of institutional transformation rooted in the interconnectedness of finance and democracy. Inspired by ancient Athens, where small groups chosen by lottery were used to ensure democratic participation, he shows how democracy and working-class power can be strengthened by introducing new forms of financial governance, focusing on the inclusion of historically excluded groups. His proposals for democratic financial institutions point the way to imbuing finance with a socio-environmental purpose and the funding of a just green transition, social housing, and other necessary public goods. And these financial institutions might be the first step toward a whole new kind of economy.

How technology and the politics of attention changed the way we look at artThe ways we encounter contemporary art and performance has changed. How are we expectedto engage with today's diverse practice? Is the old model of close-looking still the ideal, or has itgiven way to browsing, skimming, and sampling?Across four provocative and insightful essays, art historian and critic Claire Bishop identifies trends in contemporary practice. Charting a critical path through the last three decades, Bishop pinpoints how spectatorship and visual literacy are evolving under the pressures of digital technology.She explores how researched-based exhibitions have proliferated turning the artist into an investigator or archivist with mixed results. Spatial performance can now involve the artist, dancers, or even the audience as participants, often framed with Instagram in mind. The political event is not longer activated without an understanding of the media that will record...

A leading radical historian looks at the global resurgence of the commune and asks how they can become sites of liberationWhen the state recedes, the commune-form flourishes. This was as true in Paris in 1871 as it is now whenever ordinary people begin to manage their daily lives collectively.Contemporary struggles over land - from the zad at Notre-Dame-des-Landes to Cop City in Atlanta, from the pipeline battles in Canada to Soulèvements de la terre - have reinvented practices of appropriating lived space and time. This transforms dramatically our perception of the recent past.Rural struggles of the 1960s and 70s, like the "Nantes Commune," the Larzac, and Sanrizuka in Japan, appear now as the defining battles of our era. In the defense of threatened territories against all manners of privatization, hoarding, and infrastructures of disaster, new ways of producing and inhabiting are devised that side-step the state and that give rise to...

How a supposedly apolitical form of philosophy owes its continuing power to social and political forcesAnalytic philosophy is the leading form of philosophy in the English-speaking world. What explains its continued success? Christoph Schuringa argues that its enduring power can only be understood by examining its social history. Analytic philosophy tends to think of itself as concerned with eternal questions, transcending the changing scenes of history. It thinks of itself as apolitical. This book, however, convincingly shows that the opposite is true.The origins of analytic philosophy are in a set of distinct movements, shaped by high-ly specific sets of political and social forces. Only after the Second World War were these disparate, often dynamic movements joined together to make ‘analytic philosophy’ as we know it. In the climate of McCarthyism, analytic philosophy was robbed of political force.To this day, analytic philosophy is the ideology...

How the CIA used American unions to undermine workers at home and subvert democracy abroad Blue-Collar Empire tells the shocking story of the AFL-CIO’s global anticommunist crusade—and its devastating consequences for workers around the world. Unions have the power not only to secure pay raises and employee benefits but to bring economies to a screeching halt and overthrow governments. Recognizing this, in the late twentieth century, the US government sought to control labor movements abroad as part of the Cold War contest for worldwide supremacy. In this work, Washington found an enthusiastic partner in the AFL-CIO’s anticommunist officials, who, in a shocking betrayal, for decades expended their energies to block revolutionary ideologies and militant class consciousness from taking hold in the workers’ movements of Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Asia.

In pursuit of the liberating powers of the crowdDespite what politicians, philosophers and the press have long told us, every peaceful crowd is not a violent mob in waiting. Dan Hancox argues it is time to rethink long-held assumptions about crowd behaviour and psychology, as well as the part crowds play in our lives. The story of the modern world is the story of multitudes in action. Crowds are the ultimate force for change: the bringer of conviviality, euphoria, mass culture and democracy.Behind the establishment’s long war against crowds is the work of eccentric proto-fascist Gustave Le Bon. Having witnessed the revolutionary Paris Commune, he declared the crowd barbaric, the enemy of all that was civilized. In the twentieth century, his theory influenced Mussolini, Hitler and Freud alike. It moulded the policing of our communities and the new industry of public relations, shaping our cities and politics.From raucous football matches and raves to...

How Islamism became a leading force in the Palestinian resistanceIn Road to October 7, Erik Skare argues that Palestinian Islamism is far more complex and dynamic than generally assumed. The phenomenon has continuously developed through disputes between moderates and hardliners. These struggles have largely been settled by external drivers – intra-Palestinian competition, Israeli violence and repression, or shifts in the regional power balance.Erik Skare is a historian at the University of Oslo and the author of the award-winning A History of Palestinian Islamic Jihad: Faith, Awareness, and Revolution in the Middle East. He specializes on Palestinian history with a particular focus on religion and secular politics. Skare has published extensively on Palestinian Islamism and resistance, and his work has been cited in The Washington Post, Le Monde Diplomatique, and other international news outlets."This is a meticulously detailed account of Palestinian Islamism as a political phenomenon. The author addresses the formation of a number of groups under the Islamist umbrella - including Palestine Islamic Jihad and Hamas - and the interactions between them, using primary sources and an original dataset. Importantly, the author approaches the subject matter with the basic assumption that Palestinians are humans. An invaluable resource for all those concerned about Palestine."Dana El Kurd, author of Polarized and Demobilized: Legacies of Authoritarianism in Palestine"This timely, important, impressively researched, and cogently argued study provides vital historical and political context for understanding the origins of the transformative crisis that erupted from the Gaza Strip in October 2023. Erik Skare has dedicated many years to the study of these issues, and this is amply demonstrated in his Road to 7 October."Mouin Rabbani, Co-Editor of Jadaliyya

When you put on a mask, you leave your own time, writes Nadya Tolokonnikova from Pussy Riot, while Gabriella Coleman explores the political culture of Anonymous in the hacking of HBGary. Politicians, narcos, fixers, and their all-too-hidden victims: Rohini Mohan, scar Martnez, Anabel Hernndez, and Ken Silverstein report back from the front lines in Sri Lanka, Central America and Mexico, and the global oil industry. Arundhati Roy and David Roediger rethink the relationship between race, caste and political struggle. Keller Easterling, Jonathan Crary and Melissa Gira Grant all explore the dystopian intersection of technology and capitalism, while Lynne Segal and Frdric Gros reflect on age, virility, and cultural power. James Meek writes on UK privatization, Micah Uetricht on Chicagos teacher-led uprising, and Dan Hancox on Marinaledas village utopia. Alexander Cockburn and Shlomo Sand question citizenship and statehood. Slavoj iek dissects In-A-Gadda-Da-Vida (drunk for In the Garden of Eden), Walter Benjamin asks for a pay raise, and Benjamin Kunkel (and Verso) recommend a few books to read.

A manifesto and guide for building mutual aid groups and reclaiming power in a time of perpetual crisis We are living through a Long Emergency: a near-continuous train of pandemics, heatwaves, droughts, resource wars and other climate-driven disasters. In Lifehouse, Adam Greenfield asks what might happen if the tactics and networks of care that spring up in response to these times might be brought together in a single, coherent way of life? Using examples from the Black Panthers’ “survival programs,” the astonishingly effective Occupy Sandy disaster-relief effort and the neighborhood-based mutual aid groups that sustained many during COVID lockdowns to the large-scale, self-organised polities of municipalist Spain and Kurdish Rojava, Greenfield argues for rethinking local power as a bulwark against despair — a way to discover and develop the individual and collective capacities that have gone underutilized during all the long years of late capitalism, and a means for thriving in the face of impending catastrophe.

How a supposedly apolitical form of philosophy owes its continuing power to social and political forcesAnalytic philosophy is the leading form of philosophy in the English-speaking world. What explains its continued success? Christoph Schuringa argues that its enduring power can only be understood by examining its social history. Analytic philosophy tends to think of itself as concerned with eternal questions, transcending the changing scenes of history. It thinks of itself as apolitical. This book, however, convincingly shows that the opposite is true.The origins of analytic philosophy are in a set of distinct movements, shaped by high-ly specific sets of political and social forces. Only after the Second World War were these disparate, often dynamic movements joined together to make ‘analytic philosophy’ as we know it. In the climate of McCarthyism, analytic philosophy was robbed of political force.To this day, analytic philosophy is the ideology of the status quo. It may seem arcane and largely removed from the real world, but it is a crucial component in upholding liberalism, through its central role in elite educational institutions. As Schuringa concludes, the apparently increasing friendliness of analytic philosophers to rival approaches in philosophy should be understood as a form of colonization; thanks to its hegemonic status, it reformats all it touches in service of its own imperatives, going so far as to colonize decolonial efforts in the discipline.Christoph Schuringa studied philosophy at King’s College, Cambridge and Birkbeck College, University of London. He has published widely on the history of philosophy and on Marx and Marxism, and is associate professor of philosophy at Northeastern University, London. He is Editor of the Hegel Bulletin, and his writing has appeared in Jacobin, New Left Review, European Journal of Philosophy and elsewhere.

The Empire of Civil Society mounts a compelling critique of the orthodox "realist" theory of international relations and provides a historical-materialist approach to the international system. Opening with an interrogation of a number of classic realist works, the book rejects outright the goal of theorizing geopolitical systems in isolation from wider social structures. In a series of case studies—including Classical Greece, Renaissance Italy and the Portuguese and Spanish empires—Justin Rosenberg shows how the historical-materialist analysis of societies is a surer guide to understanding geopolitical systems than the technical theories of realist international relations. In each case, he draws attention to the correspondence between the form of the geopolitical system and the character of the societies composing it. In the final section of the book, the tools forged in these explorations are employed to analyze the contemporary international system, with striking results. Rosenberg demonstrates that the distinctive properties of the sovereign-states system are best understood as corresponding to the social structures of capitalist society. In this light, realism emerges as incapable of explaining what it has always insisted is the central feature of the international system—namely, the balance of power. On the other hand, it is argued that Marx’s social theory of value, conventionally regarded as an account of hierarchical class domination, provides the deepest understanding of the core international relations theme of “anarchy.”Provocative and unconventional, The Empire of Civil Society brilliantly turns orthodox international relations on its head.

The controversy around alleged antisemitism in the Labour Party was unprecedented in its protracted ferocity. It contributed to Labour’s electoral defeat in 2019 and tarnished the reputation of the movement that propelled Jeremy Corbyn to Party leader. The EHRC investigated these allegations and, in September 2020, delivered its report. Those groups which had spearheaded the campaign against Labour on this issue heralded the EHRC’s findings as a vindication of claims that Labour under Corbyn was institutionally antisemitic. The Party directed members to accept the findings without question. Yet this ebook report shows that the EHRC’s investigation did not remotely uphold the dominant public accusations against Labour, while even those limited findings it did make cannot withstand factual or legal scrutiny.The study examines the EHRC’s conclusions and finds:• no evidence of widespread antisemitism, direct discrimination or victimisation in the Labour Party• no evidence that Corbyn or his office were responsible for the Party's poor handling of complaints• no evidence that Corbyn or his office sought systematically to undermine antisemitism complainants or protected those accused• a dangerous disregard by the EHRC for the elementary democratic as well as legal principle of free speech.Labour’s new leadership has used the EHRC report as justification for an ongoing crack-down on debate within the Party. Among the dissidents stifled are Jewish members who supported and participated in the Corbyn project. The authors make recommendations for a return to the full, frequent and fearless discussion which must be the lifeblood of any democratic organization.

A manifesto and guide for building mutual aid groups and reclaiming power in a time of perpetual crisis We are living through a Long Emergency: a near-continuous train of pandemics, heatwaves, droughts, resource wars and other climate-driven disasters. In Lifehouse, Adam Greenfield asks what might happen if the tactics and networks of care that spring up in response to these times might be brought together in a single, coherent way of life? Using examples from the Black Panthers’ “survival programs,” the astonishingly effective Occupy Sandy disaster-relief effort and the neighborhood-based mutual aid groups that sustained many during COVID lockdowns to the large-scale, self-organised polities of municipalist Spain and Kurdish Rojava, Greenfield argues for rethinking local power as a bulwark against despair — a way to discover and develop the individual and collective capacities that have gone underutilized during all the long years of late capitalism, and a means for thriving in the face of impending catastrophe.

Harnessing the power of storytelling for political progress Mythocracy examines the narrative mechanisms that script our lives through the stories we tell one another. Digging beneath common anxieties about fake news, Yves Citton looks at the attention economy, which organises our political perceptions around affective attractors. These are much more powerful than the truth value of any given narrative. The time has come for the left to reclaim the power of myth from reactionary populism.

This urgent Verso Report, edited by Jamie Stern-Weiner, brings together the most rigorous and penetrating analytical writings on the Labour antisemitism affair. They provide between them a sober examination of the strange events that have warped British politics since 2015 and an informed basis for Labour as well as kindred movements to draw lessons for the future. The eBook includes contributions from Norman G. Finkelstein, Jeremy Gilbert, Antony Lerman, David Rosenberg, Naomi Wayne, and Jewish Voice for Labour, as well as a selection of hitherto unpublished testimonies from Jewish members of the Labour Party.

A new collection of stories from the cult author of Terminal Boredom. Izumi Suzuki had ideas about doing things differently, ideas that paid little attention to the laws of physics, or the laws of the land. In this new collection, her skewed imagination distorts and enhances some of the classic concepts of science fiction and fantasy. A philandering husband receives a bestial punishment from a wife with her own secrets to keep; a music lover finds herself in a timeline both familiar and as wrong as can be; a misfit band of space pirates discover a mysterious baby among the stars; Emma, the Bovary-like character from one of Suzuki's stories in Terminal Boredom, lands herself in a bizarre romantic pickle. Wryly anarchic and deeply imaginative, Suzuki was a writer like no other. These eleven stories offer readers the opportunity to delve deeper in this singular writer's work.

"Joseph Andras writes with the swiftness of lightning." –Viet Thanh Nguyen, author of The Sympathizer A biographical historical fiction retelling of Ho Chi Minh's immigration and radical life in underground Paris in the 1920s** Fleeing persecution in Indochina, the young Ho Chi Minh arrived in Paris as World War I was sputtering to a close. A painfully shy twentysomething who stammered when he spoke in public, he joined the shadowy figures of the demimonde, the radicals, poor artists, prostitutes, the luckless, and rebellious. Six years later, he boarded a train bound for the young Soviet Union as the fiery, passionate leader of the Vietnamese independence movement and a founder of the French Communist Party. He had lived under various pseudonyms in a succession of seedy apartments. There had been arrests and beatings, jobs in restaurants and photo shops, revolutionary writing in the Bibliotheque Nationale, and meetings with Chaplin and Colette, all while being dogged by French spies—much of what we know about the young man’s Paris years is thanks to that surveillance, down to accounts of arguments he had with friends at home. Searching for traces of the past in the streets of today, Joseph Andras hears echoes of other angry histories, from terror attacks to tent encampments to the protests of the Gilets jaunes. This intensely lyrical, genre-bending book is a meditation on what could be called the grandeur of the poor, the free, the outcast, and the rebellious—people who might not find a place in history books but without whom history could not be written. Historical

When landlords always win and renters pay the price, what can be done?Housing means prosperity and security for some; poverty, precarity and sickness for others. More people live in private rented accommodation than ever before, and rents rise without apparent reason. Homes are smaller every year, and nearly 20 per cent of tenants live in hazardous conditions. Homelessness is at a new high. Yet the government's only solution is to promote homeownership.Against Landlords shows that this crisis is not the product of happenstance or political incompetence. Government policy has intentionally split British citizens into homeowners and renters, two classes set on very different financial paths. In the UK, one out of every twenty-one adults is a landlord, and it is this group, and those who aspire to join it, represented by the political class.In his radical new interpretation of the housing crisis, lawyer Nick Bano explains how this environment set the conditions for the Grenfell Tower fire and how it means a life of anxiety for the nation's renters. It is a problem that stretches far beyond London and one inherently racist in nature.Building more housing is not the solution. It is firstly a problem of the law, Bano argues, and reforms must sweep away the landlordism at the heart of the housing crisis and British political life.

When landlords always win and renters pay the price, what can be done?Housing means prosperity and security for some; poverty, precarity and sickness for others. More people live in private rented accommodation than ever before, and rents rise without apparent reason. Homes are smaller every year, and nearly 20 per cent of tenants live in hazardous conditions. Homelessness is at a new high. Yet the government's only solution is to promote homeownership.Against Landlords shows that this crisis is not the product of happenstance or political incompetence. Government policy has intentionally split British citizens into homeowners and renters, two classes set on very different financial paths. In the UK, one out of every twenty-one adults is a landlord, and it is this group, and those who aspire to join it, represented by the political class.In his radical new interpretation of the housing crisis, lawyer Nick Bano explains how this environment set the conditions for the Grenfell Tower fire and how it means a life of anxiety for the nation's renters. It is a problem that stretches far beyond London and one inherently racist in nature.Building more housing is not the solution. It is firstly a problem of the law, Bano argues, and reforms must sweep away the landlordism at the heart of the housing crisis and British political life.